1921, December 10th, Saturday.
The brief elation Sultan Murad VII had felt upon learning of Behram Rıza Bey's safe arrival in Konya and the successful initiation of dialogue with Hacı Shukri Efendi had quickly given way to a profound, gnawing anxiety. His envoy was now, presumably, beginning the equally perilous return journey, carrying a verbal report whose contents could either ignite a true beacon of hope for Ottoman reunification or plunge them into even deeper despair. This weight of silence from the Anatolian heartland permeated every decision, every action in Constantinople, as Murad and his government continued their daily battles on multiple fronts.
Murad's first instruction of the day was to Kolağası Esad Bey. "Signal our operatives in Konya immediately, Esad Bey," he commanded, his voice betraying none of his inner turmoil. "Behram Rıza Efendi is to commence his return journey as soon as they deem the routes reasonably secure. His safety is paramount. Every resource of your directorate must be focused on ensuring his safe passage back to Constantinople." "My men are already making those arrangements, Your Majesty," Esad confirmed. "The route back will differ slightly, for added security. It will be another seven to eight days, at best, before we can expect him, assuming Allah wills it." Seven to eight more days of this agonizing uncertainty. Murad nodded, his jaw tight.
The focus then shifted to the ongoing Port Authority audit. Cavit Bey, Minister of Finance, arrived for his daily report looking grim. "Your Majesty, Colonel Hughes continues his campaign of obstruction regarding the 'Levantine Trading Syndicate' and the 'Special Projects Fund'," Cavit stated, his usual fiery indignation muted by sheer frustration. "Yesterday, after immense pressure, he provided a handful of heavily redacted documents pertaining to the Syndicate. They are almost entirely useless – vague descriptions of 'consultancy services' and 'logistical support provisions' with no verifiable details, no names of beneficial owners, no clear accounting of the vast sums funneled into it. He claims further information is 'under internal British military administrative review for national security implications' and cannot be released to a joint commission." "He seeks to bury the truth under a mountain of bureaucratic obfuscation and feigned security concerns," Murad said, his voice cold. "This cannot stand. The agreement they signed guarantees us access. His actions are a clear breach." After a brief, intense discussion with Tevfik Pasha and Reşid Akif Pasha, Murad authorized Cavit Bey's next move. "Cavit Bey," Murad instructed, "you will draft a formal letter, as the Ottoman head of delegation to the Joint Commission of Inquiry, addressed directly to General Harington himself. You will copy General Pellé and Marquis Garroni. In this letter, you will meticulously detail Colonel Hughes's consistent obstructionism, his refusal to provide the requested information on the Levantine Trading Syndicate despite the signed agreement, and the clear evidence we possess of high-level corruption linked to this entity. You will state that unless General Harington personally intervenes within twenty-four hours to ensure Colonel Hughes's full and immediate compliance, the Ottoman government will consider the British High Commission to be acting in bad faith and in material breach of the Port Authority Agreement. We will then be forced to suspend our participation in this charade of a Joint Commission and resume our 'independent inquiries' – making it clear that we will release the full, unredacted details of the Levantine Trading Syndicate scandal, specifically implicating his staff, to the international press." "A direct challenge to Harington, Your Majesty," Tevfik Pasha murmured, understanding the immense risk. "A necessary one, Tevfik," Murad replied. "Harington is already under pressure from London. Let us see if he dares to shield such blatant corruption at the risk of another, even more damaging, international exposé that points directly to his own headquarters."
While this high-stakes diplomatic battle continued, the internal security front also demanded attention. Esad Bey presented Murad with his completed dossier on Major Hesketh, the junior British intelligence officer linked to the funding of Kara Davud's seditious network via the merchant Dimitri Stefanopoulos. The evidence – bank transfer records, intercepted communications, Stefanopoulos's own ledger entries – was compelling, if not yet a signed confession from Hesketh himself. "This is meticulously compiled, Esad Bey," Murad commended. "Reşid Akif Pasha," he turned to his Foreign Minister, "I want you to request a private, unofficial meeting with General Pellé. Present him with a summary of this dossier. Make it clear that while this appears to be a rogue operation by a British officer, such foreign interference in our internal affairs, aimed at inciting religious and political unrest, is utterly unacceptable and threatens the stability that all Allied powers claim to desire. Suggest that it would be in France's interest, and Italy's, to ensure that their British 'ally' refrains from such dangerous freelance adventurism. Do not demand specific action from Pellé yet; simply ensure he is aware that we know, and that we have proof. Let him convey that message to Harington, or to London, as he sees fit. It will add another layer of pressure on the British." "A delicate but potentially effective maneuver, Your Majesty," Reşid Akif acknowledged. "It may further widen the cracks in their unified front." Regarding Kara Davud himself, Esad reported, "My operatives, following the disabling of his press, have noted increased activity among his known lieutenants. They are resorting to more direct, word-of-mouth agitation in certain conservative coffee houses and amongst disgruntled former soldiers. We also successfully arrested three mid-level agitators yesterday who were attempting to organize a small, unauthorized protest outside the Fatih Mosque after prayers, using inflammatory religious slogans. Their interrogation may yield more information about Kara Davud's current whereabouts and command structure. He remains elusive, but we are tightening the net."
On the domestic front, Tevfik Pasha reported that the Imperial Reconstruction Council was moving forward. "The public response to the Izmit railway repair initiative has been overwhelmingly positive, Your Majesty. We have received numerous small donations from ordinary citizens, and offers of voluntary labor. Minister Behçet Efendi has managed to procure a small quantity of surplus railway ties and rails from a defunct German-built lumber line in Thrace, which will accelerate the initial repairs." Ferik Fevzi Pasha also brought encouraging news. "The first Hassa Ordusu regiment is now fully quartered at Davutpaşa Barracks, Your Majesty. Basic services are established, and advanced unit training is proceeding without interruption. The men are proud of their new base, their new equipment, and their direct service to you. I have also, as per your approval, begun the formal process of selecting and vetting officers for the second regiment. The quality of volunteers is exceptionally high." Fevzi then formally requested Murad's presence for the proposed inspection and public parade of the first Hassa regiment the following Friday. "It will be a powerful symbol of renewed Ottoman strength and your direct command, Your Majesty." Murad readily agreed. "It will be an honor, Fevzi Pasha. Let the people of Constantinople see that their army is being reborn."
Murad also took time to meet with Sheikh-ul-Islam Nuri Efendi. "Your Reverence," Murad said, "the sermons and guidance from your Ulema have been invaluable in maintaining public calm and countering the lies of seditionists like Kara Davud. But I feel we must do more to actively engage the hearts and minds of our people, particularly the youth in the madrasas who are often preyed upon by extremist rhetoric." They discussed plans for Nuri Efendi to organize a series of public lectures by respected, moderate Islamic scholars on themes of responsible Islamic governance, the importance of national unity in the face of external threats, and the compatibility of true Islamic principles with progress and justice. Murad also suggested establishing small stipends and scholarships for madrasa students who showed particular promise in traditional Islamic sciences combined with an understanding of modern needs, to cultivate a new generation of enlightened religious leadership. "Our faith is our strength, Nuri Efendi," Murad emphasized, "not a tool for division or a barrier to progress."
As Saturday drew to a close, the weight of silence from Konya was almost a physical presence in Murad's study. Behram Rıza was out there, a lone scholar carrying the hopes of an Empire. The letter to General Harington regarding Colonel Hughes's obstructionism was drafted, ready to be delivered by Cavit Bey tomorrow, another fuse lit under the edifice of Allied arrogance. The dossier on Major Hesketh was ready for Reşid Akif's discreet diplomatic use. The Hassa Ordusu was growing stronger, a shield being forged. Murad knew he was juggling fire. Every move was a risk. But inaction, he was more convinced than ever, was the greatest risk of all. He could only pray that the seeds of hope he had sown, both in the secret dialogue with Ankara and in the hearts of his own people in Constantinople, would find fertile ground and endure the coming storms. The path was treacherous, but for the first time in what felt like an eternity, it felt as though he was truly walking it as a sovereign, not a supplicant.