1921, December 5th, Monday.
The first Monday of December found Sultan Murad VII grappling with the intricate and often contradictory currents that defined his reign. While the perilous mission of his envoy, Behram Rıza Bey, to Konya remained a constant, silent preoccupation, the immediate challenges within Constantinople demanded his full attention. The whispers of sedition orchestrated by Kara Davud's faction were growing more venomous, the Allied Powers, though recently chastened, continued their obstructionist tactics in the Port Authority audit, and the monumental task of national reconstruction revealed new hurdles daily. Duty, Murad knew, demanded he navigate these turbulent waters with unwavering resolve, even as doubt gnawed at the edges of his hope for the Anatolian outreach.
The campaign to counter Kara Davud's insidious propaganda was launched with concerted effort. Sheikh-ul-Islam Nuri Efendi reported to Murad that morning, his gentle face set with a rare firmness, "Your Majesty, as per your directive, I have met with the leading Ulema and Imams of Constantinople's most influential mosques and madrasas. They are, with few exceptions, appalled by Kara Davud's attempts to twist Islamic teachings for divisive political ends. This very day, in their lessons and public addresses, they will begin to systematically refute his falsehoods. They will emphasize the Quranic imperative of unity, obedience to a just ruler who upholds the Sharia – as Your Majesty demonstrably does – and the grave sin of fitna, especially in a time when the Ummah is besieged by external enemies. We will fight his darkness with the clear light of authentic Islamic scholarship." Murad nodded his approval. "This is crucial, Nuri Efendi. Kara Davud preys on the anxieties of the pious. We must reassure them that their faith and their Caliphate are secure under this government, and that true piety lies in unity and constructive effort, not in baseless sedition." Kolağası Esad Bey, in a separate briefing, outlined his intelligence directorate's complementary actions. "Your Majesty, my operatives have begun a subtle counter-propaganda campaign in the coffee houses and bazaars where Kara Davud's rumors are spreading. We are disseminating factual accounts of your government's successes – the Port Authority agreement, the stabilization of bread prices, the arrests of corrupt officials like Kenan Pasha and Artinoglou – to showcase tangible benefits and effective governance. We are also working to identify the key agitators within Kara Davud's network. We have traced several of their crudely printed leaflets to a small, clandestine press hidden in the Fatih district. It is now under surveillance." "Excellent, Esad Bey," Murad commended. "But exercise caution. Kara Davud is reportedly more cunning than Mahmud Bey. We must understand his full network and potential backers before we make any overt moves against his core leadership, lest we merely cut off one head of a hydra."
The battle for truth and accountability also continued within the confines of the Joint Commission of Inquiry for the Port Authority. Cavit Bey, Minister of Finance, arrived at Yıldız Palace looking weary but resolute after another grueling session. "Colonel Hughes, Your Majesty, is a master of attrition," Cavit reported to Murad and Tevfik Pasha. "He and his British colleague, Mr. Davies, continue to obstruct access to the 'Special Projects Fund' ledgers, citing an endless stream of bureaucratic impediments – 'records requiring cross-referencing,' 'files temporarily sealed for internal review,' 'personnel with key access on leave.' It is a transparent charade." "And the French and Italians?" Murad inquired. "Monsieur Lacroix and Signor Valenti," Cavit said with a wry smile, "are clearly enjoying Colonel Hughes's discomfort, especially since the most damning evidence we have managed to extract from the Harbor Maintenance Contracts so far points primarily to British and certain well-connected local Levantine firms. They make a show of supporting our requests for access to the Special Projects Fund, but without applying decisive pressure on Hughes. They are content to let us fight that particular battle." "Then we must force their hand, Cavit Bey," Murad stated. "The Special Projects Fund is where, according to Arif Efendi's information, some of the largest and most blatant embezzlements occurred. We cannot allow Hughes to shield it indefinitely." After a brief discussion, a new tactic was agreed upon. Cavit Bey, with Murad's full backing, would deliver a formal ultimatum within the Commission at its next session: either unrestricted access to the Special Projects Fund records was granted within forty-eight hours, as stipulated by the overarching Port Authority Agreement, or the Ottoman delegation would declare the British representatives to be in deliberate breach of that signed accord. Cavit would state that he would then be compelled to refer this obstruction directly to all three Allied High Commissioners, and simultaneously inform his government, which, he would ominously add, "reserves the right to take all further appropriate actions to ensure the full implementation of the agreement and to protect Ottoman sovereign interests." This was a clear threat to reignite the international scandal, specifically targeting British malfeasance this time. "It is a risk, Your Majesty," Tevfik Pasha cautioned. "Harington may react explosively." "Let him," Murad said, his eyes like flint. "He is already under pressure from London. Another wave of international scrutiny focused solely on British corruption at the Port might be precisely what is needed to break his obstructionism for good. We have a signed agreement. They must honor it, or be seen by the world as duplicitous."
On the domestic reconstruction front, Tevfik Pasha and Behçet Efendi, the Minister of Public Works, brought mixed news. "Your Majesty, the initial survey and repair work on the Constantinople-Izmit railway line has commenced," Behçet Efendi reported. "The enthusiasm of the local villagers to assist our engineers is heartening. However, we are facing a critical shortage of skilled railway technicians and specialized tools, many of which were lost, damaged, or requisitioned by the Allies during the occupation. Progress will be slower than anticipated unless we can find a way to procure these essentials." Cavit Bey looked grim. "Our treasury is still perilously thin, Behçet Efendi, despite recent successes. Importing such specialized equipment or hiring foreign technicians is currently beyond our means." Murad listened thoughtfully. "Behçet Efendi, are there any demobilized Ottoman army engineers or former railway workers from the Hejaz Railway or Balkan lines residing in Constantinople who might possess these skills, however rusty? Fevzi Pasha, could your ministry assist in identifying such men? Perhaps we could offer them good government wages and appeal to their patriotism to lead repair crews and train new apprentices." Fevzi Pasha, present for this part of the meeting, nodded. "An excellent idea, Your Majesty. Many skilled military engineers were demobilized with little prospect of employment. I will task my staff with identifying and recruiting such men immediately." This practical solution, focusing on leveraging indigenous talent, was typical of Murad's emerging style of governance.
Later, Fevzi Pasha provided an update on Davutpaşa Barracks. "The main barracks block that we prioritized is now cleared and basic structural repairs are underway, Your Majesty. I have authorized the transfer of the first full Hassa Ordusu infantry regiment – nearly two thousand men – to Davutpaşa, starting next week. They will live in somewhat austere conditions initially, but having them consolidated in a secure, dedicated base will immeasurably improve their cohesion, discipline, and advanced training." He also raised the sensitive issue of the regular city garrison. "Your Majesty, while the Hassa Ordusu is becoming a force upon which we can truly rely, the broader Constantinople garrison remains… problematic. Many senior officers are political relics, incompetent, or of dubious loyalty. Their influence often demoralizes the ordinary soldiers, who are otherwise good men. With your permission, I would like to accelerate the process of retiring these individuals and promoting younger, battle-tested officers who have demonstrated loyalty to your new government." "Proceed with caution and discretion, Fevzi Pasha," Murad authorized, "coordinating closely with Esad Bey for thorough vetting of all candidates. We need a reliable garrison, not just an elite guard. But avoid any appearance of a wholesale purge that could create unnecessary unrest or give the Allies a pretext to intervene in our military restructuring."
As the day drew to a close, Murad found himself once again reviewing Esad Bey's maps, tracing the probable route of Behram Rıza Bey. His envoy would now be deep in Anatolia, perhaps three days into his journey towards Konya, facing unknown dangers. The silence from that front was a constant, gnawing presence in the back of Murad's mind. Every decision he made in Constantinople, every small victory or setback, felt amplified by the immense, unspoken weight of that secret mission. He was managing crosscurrents of doubt and duty. Doubt about the outcome of the Ankara initiative, doubt about the true intentions of his myriad enemies, doubt even about the ultimate capacity of his crippled Empire to heal itself. Yet, duty propelled him forward: the duty to his people, to his faith, to the legacy of his ancestors, and to the memory of that other life whose knowledge and experience now guided his hand. The fight against internal sedition was joined. The struggle for every Lira, every rifle, every inch of reclaimed sovereignty continued. The path was illuminated by flickers of hope, but shadowed by ever-present peril. Murad knew that his reign, and the fate of the Ottomans, was being forged in this crucible.